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72 Frequently Asked Questions about Participatory Budgeting(4)

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34 Who participates in the Participatory Budget?  

It is necessary to differentiate what happens in Brazil from what happens elsewhere. One of the main characteristics of the majority of Participatory Budgets in Brazilian cities is the universal right to participate in a voluntary, individual, and direct manner, not necessarily through community, union, or other representatives (see FAQ 1). In these cases it is not necessary to belong to any organization to participate. Clearly, organizations play an important role, but they do not have formal privileges. In fact, it is the mobilised citizenry -organised or not - which decides. Many times, this kind of participation is also valued in Europe.   

In contrast, the remaining Latin American cities and some European ones (for example, Spain) tend to encourage participation through representatives of existing organizations. This modality reflects what is called "community or associative representative democracy". In this case, the participation of individuals is mediated by delegates most likely "closer to their concerns and demands" than in conventional representative democracy.27  

There are also "mixed" systems which rest on neighbourhood organizations, but which at the same time broaden the budgetary discussions to include all residents. Due to their strong participatory tradition, Cordoba (Spain), Cuenca (Ecuador) and Villa El Salvador (Peru) are illustrative of this modality.   

Finally, in a number of European cities, participants and/or delegates are designated by raffle in order to promote the participation of those citizens who do not normally get involved, in particular from the more marginalised groups.  

35 How many people participate in Participatory Budgets?  

In the experiences of individual, direct participation, the rates of participation normally range between 1 per cent and 15 per cent of the voting population (in general over 16 years old). Cases with more than 15 per cent participation are exceptional. Generally, participation is greater in cities of smaller size or when the assemblies are made in smaller geographic sub-divisions. It is important to point out that the number of participants is highly variable from one year to the next (see Box 14: Participation in Belo Horizonte). In addition, there is a high degree of turnover, and it is not the same people participating each year. During the first few years, participation may be low, and as the process is refined, this number tends to increase. Initially in Porto Alegre, which had over 1.2 million inhabitants at the outset of the process, only around 1,000 people participated, a number which is today close to 40,000.   

In cities where participation happens through representatives of social organizations, the number of participants is inferior to and sometimes equal to the aforementioned cases. Thus, in Cotacachi, "788 people participated, representing 90 per cent of the organizations in the Canton"…in Ilo, 100 organizations participated…. in Puerto Asís, 232 "very representative" people participated. In Cuenca, the 1,100 participants are, on one hand, the elected representatives of the 21 parish boards and, on the other, people from the community.28  

The Participatory Budgets of Children and Youth reach higher numbers of participants because they are carried out at the public school level (and in rare cases private ones). The plenary sessions with free (non-obligatory) participation may take place outside of the school grounds. Nevertheless, educating and mobilising the youth about the PB mainly takes place at school. The result is that thousands or tens of thousands of young people participate and define the destination of part of the municipal budget.

36 If participation is limited, does not that take legitimacy away from the process?  

It is definitely a risk. Therefore, one of the most important goals is that the PB pro-cess gain legitimacy in the eyes of the majority of citizens, including those that do not participate. This legitimacy is achieved through a strong communication effort from the municipality so that everyone feels invited to participate and so that they have ac cess to the main financial information and the decisions made in the Participatory Budget.   

Other appropriate instruments are public opinion polls which can serve to verify the level of recognition of the process and its legitimacy among the general public, as well as referendums, which allow for the voting approval of certain particu- larly sensitive decisions. Another important goal is that the participation, although quantitatively limited, includes citizens from all social groups and does not leave anyone marginalised from the process. For this     reason, special attention should be paid to the inclusion of women, youth, the poor and vulnerable, and groups who face discrimination (ethnic minorities, immigrants, sexual minorities etc.).  

37 Where are decisions made during the process?29  

In the great majority of Brazilian cases, and a few others, delegates are elected, who in turn elect councillors. The Participatory Budget Council - PBC - or its equivalent is the central body where the rules of the game are defined, which are later transformed into Internal Regulations. The decision-making systems, the criteria for the distribu- tion of resources, the number of plenaries and the sectoral themes are defined by this body. In addition, the PBC is responsible for finalising the "budgetary matrix" which is presented to the City Council. Many of the non-Brazilian experiences are built over existing community structures (neighbourhood councils, community boards) or political ones (parish boards, for example).  

38 If the Participatory Budget Council - PBC - is thecentral pla- yer, who makes up the PBC?30  

The PBCs, or their equivalents, are entities created specifically to decide on the Participatory Budget. The composition of the PBC varies from one city to another, in number of members as well as in the social and institutional actors it represents. In general, they are composed of 30 to 50 councillors and an equal number of alterna-tes. They always include representatives elected in the sectoral plenaries (one or two per sector) and the territorial plenaries. In addition, there may be representatives from the Municipal government (with orwithout the right to vote), popular movements, unions, excluded groups, such as women, youth, indigenous peoples, racial minori- ties, people with special needs, homosexuals (represented in few cities), the business sector, NGOs (occasionally) or strategic planningcommissions.In some cases, representatives from other municipal councils are present, such as those of health or education.  

   

The wide-ranging discussion over who forms part of the Participatory Budget Council  

or Forum is another important step for the success of the experience. As with the In- ternal Regulations or Rules of                                 Proce- dure, changes inside the Council take place annually and at times can be significant from one year to the next

39 Can the delegates and councillors of the Participatory Budget be re-elected?  

The councillors and delegates generally serve one-year terms and cannot be re-elected. There are very few cases where a delegate serves for two terms.  

   

40 How can the bureaucratisation or even corruption of the Parti- cipatory Budget delegates be avoided?  

There is a risk that the delegates and councillors use the Participatory Budget as a political/electoral stepping stone or for individual gain. It should be noted that normally the work of the councillors and delegates is non-remunerative. Some cities have created norms to reduce this risk, but there remains much to be looked at. Not allowing the re-election of delegates and/or councillors is a first step in the process.  

In Porto Alegre, municipal workers cannot be Participatory Budget delegates. In Cotacachi, an indigenous municipality in Ecuador, the Quichua saying "no stealing, no lying and no laziness"31 is repeated publicly and often. However, beyond the positive examples, it should be remembered that the Participatory Budget is not an island. In cases where there is already a corrupt or clientelistic political culture, it is that culture that must be confronted. The Participatory Budget can contribute to this transformation, but cannot bring it about by itself.  

41What level of participation do women have?  

"Women in general are more than 50 per cent of the participants in the assemblies that take place in the neighbourhoods and districts. Nevertheless, in the sectoral municipal assemblies and among the elected delegates and councillors, the proportion of women is substantially less. One of the reasons for this has been found to be the distance between the meeting places and their respective homes. There may not be places to leave the children and/or money for the bus…. The reduced participation of women (on the order of 30 per cent) as elected delegates and councillors is explained by some women by their reluctance to promote themselves as candidates, and to occupy spaces in which there are strong power struggles. Nevertheless, the women that occupy these positions are generally considered to be more committed to the collective interest, and less likely to be seduced by the chance for self-promotion or personal gain."32  


42 Are there gender-sensitive Participatory Budgets?  

Initiatives in this sense are still at incipient stages and inadequate to confront injustices against women and girls in terms of access to housing, attention to victims of violence or salary inequity. Much remains to be done to integrate a gender perspective, taking into account the particularities of gender and to carry out some form of redistribution justice in light of the larger proportion of women in many cities (380,000 more women than men in the Federal District of Mexico City; 124,000 more in Belo Horizonte).33

  

Nevertheless, there are affirmative actions which constitute initial steps toward a solution:  

. Municipal Quota Policies, requiring that 50 per cent of the delegates are women 42 (Ilo, Peru), that more or less one-third of the councillors in the Participatory Budget Council are women (Rosario, Argentina), or creating special conditions to increase the number of female delegates (see figure 16 for an example from S.o Paulo).   

. Specific Sectoral Assemblies for women, implemented in several cities (in particular Belem and Recife, Brazil)   

. Municipal facilities such as childcare centres to facilitate women’s participation (Recife)   

. Analysis of municipal budgets from the perspective of gender (various cities in the Andean34 region and Northern Europe)  

43 How do the excluded and marginalised participate in the Par- ticipatory Budget? Isn’t there a risk ofgreater social exclusion, for example in the case of immigrants, undocumented workers or the homeless?  

The groups which are most discriminated against and marginalised, in particular women, youth, afro and indigenous urban populations (in Latin America), immigrants, the undocumented and displaced, refugees, gays and lesbians, have had a secon dary place and role in Participatory Budgets. PBs are built in general on physical bases (district, region, neighbourhood) and with sectoral themes (health, transportation, economy of solidarity, recreation, etc.) and not from the perspective of the individual actors or excluded groups. This is one of the limitations of the majority of Participatory Budgets, in their current form.  

   

Box 16:  

Mechanisms to favour the participation of the excluded in Sao Paulo  

   

The Participatory Budget in Sao Paulo "proposes mechanisms that seek to favour the represen- tation of those inhabitants most discriminated against and marginalised - the vulnerable social sectors - which in spite of their numerical strength are not listened to in public arenas."  

In its current form, the PB includes mechanisms that aim at enhancing the       representation of those social sectors. Conceived of as the so-called "quota policies", they provide special condi- tions for the selection of delegates from each one of nine vulnerable groups: women, blacks, chil- dren and adolescents, the elderly, young adults and GLBTs (gay, lesbians, bisexuals and trans- sexuals) elect one delegate for each 5 voters, while indigenous, homeless and physically chal- lenged have the right to one delegate per voter. By comparison, for the election of territorial or thematic delegates, the proportion is one for 20 voters (Testimony of one of the leaders).  

   

Source: Municipal Prefecture of Sao Paulo. Co-ordinator of the Participatory Budget. OP: Tool for fighting poverty and social exclusion, SP, 2003, p.19  

   

44 How can the participation of the poor, the excluded, and the unorganized be facilitated?  

Various cities have offered a range of solutions (see Box 16) which open a space for the excluded in Participatory Budgeting.  

. Some issue-based assemblies are not limited to sectoral themes but also tackle is sues of vulnerable groups from their own perspective: i.e. the thematic assembly on citizenship (Campinas35) or the assembly on social inclusion (Caixas do Sul36) where issues related to women and youth are addressed.   

. Between 1997-2000 Barra Mansa (Children’s PB) and Icapui37 (Happy Day) were pioneers in introducing an actor-based vision from the perspective of children and youth. Currently this process is in various phases of experimentation and consolidation in several Brazilian cities: Pinheiral (Children’s PB), Recife (Children’s PB and Thematic Assembly on Youth Issues), S.o Paulo38 (Children’s PB), Goiania, 44 Mundo Novo (Youth PB) and Alvorada (Youth PB, in 2004).   

. In Belem (Brazil), the Congress of the City opened the Participatory Budget to historically excluded segments, in two ways: on the one hand, the process includes municipal congresses of young people, women, afro-Brazilians, indigenous groups, differently-abled people and homosexuals. On the other, delegates from each of these commissions are part of the Congress of the City, representing 8 of the 50 members (See Box 16).  

Box 17:  

The experience of the Citizen Oversight Committee and transparency in Cotacachi  

   

The case of Cotacachi in Ecuador is unique in that a Citizen Oversight Committee (Contraloría Social) was created at the municipal level by the Cantonal Assembly, bringing together the or- ganizations active in the city and the municipal government.  

This Citizen Oversight Committee, which forms part of the Cantonal Assembly of Cotacachi, over- sees theimplementation of the works and projects that have been approved in the participatory municipal budget, reviewing the pre-contractual process, as well as the execution. It is im- portant to note that they are generally able to monitor only three or four projects, looking at ele- ments such as the method of contracting, the amount and the location, given that the people who make up this committee are ad-honorem, and there are about 140 works and projects approved per year.  

Similarly, a Public Works Transparency and Community Oversight project has been undertaken in Cotacachi, which involves the community and/or neighbourhood in the pre-contractual and implementation processes of the public work or project, with instruments such as the Partici- patory Budget in effect, and the monitoring report forms: mid-period, end of period and a hand-over act where the community affirms its acceptance of the completed work or project.  

Source: Municipality of Cotacachi, 2003. URBAL Case Study.  

45 Who oversees and monitors the execution of the budget and the approved projects?39  

   

In contrast to the great majority of European experiences, in which the Executive branch of the local government normally controls the execution of the Participatory Budget as well, the majority of Latin American cases include instances of public oversight, both for the implementation of the PB as well as for the execution of the works. This control can be exercised, according to each city, through the following mechanisms:   

a) The Participatory Budget Council, through its delegates, as in Cordoba, Caxias  

b) A specific commission or working group of the PBC, as in Campinas and Porto Alegre41   

c) Residents and Neighbourhood Associations and citizen organizations as in Caxias do Sul42   

d) Specific commissions of community organizations, such as public works commissions growing out of Neighbourhood Councils (Montevideo43) or Parish Boards (Cuenca44)   

e) In some cases, such as Bobigny (France) there is a specific entity which oversees the activities of public authorities.   

Citizen oversight, once the PB is approved, is a central element in maintaining the quality of the process, guaranteeing transparency and avoiding corruption until the completion of the works or services (see Box 17 for an example from Cotacachi).  

46 What is the role of   NGOs, universities and professionals in the Participatory Budget?45  

Professional organizations, in particular NGOs, act in very different forms from one experience to the other: advocacy, advice, training, research or promotion can be some of their areas of work. In most cases, except for example in Buenos Aires, NGOs are totally removed from decision-making power (the Participatory Budget Council). However, members of these organizations can be elected as delegates or councillors, in their capacity as citizens.   

In municipalities where the government has not yet implemented the Participatory Budgeting process, these actors can contribute greatly to the creation, from the civil society perspective, of fora which encourage the discussion of the city budget and can organize a movement to pressure local governments to implement the PB.  

47Is there volunteerism in the Participatory Budget? What is its role?  

Participatory Budget Processes are always undertaken with a great amount of volun tary effort, both from civil society and from the various instances of local government. Volunteerism is expressed in every stage of the PB cycle, as much in the elaboration of the budget as the execution phase. In order to reinforce citizen participation and voluntary action, some cities have included this dimension as a criterion for the prioritisation of works.46   

Furthermore, the analysis of the experiences indicates that the Participatory Budget channels social capital, stimulates voluntary action and reactivates traditional community voluntary practices, for example, the mingas (or minkas) in the Andean region. In Cuenca,47 the value contributed by the community in labour, material and equipment doubles the value of the projects financed by the Participatory Budget.  

48 What is the role of the local government throughout the process?  

The local government’s role is decisive in each stage, from determining the priorities to the implementation of decisions. The local government facilitates the process, while the Mayor legitimises it politically.   

Governmental Participation  

Another important function of the local government is the adoption by the administra48 tive apparatus of the decisions made through participatory processes.   

The local government is also a protagonist with the responsibility to create mechanisms which ensure a holistic vision of the problems and needs of the city. Therefore, it should present its own projects and place them for discussion in the Participatory Budget. It should be remembered that the government has a legitimacy that comes from winning an election. The Participatory Budgeting process, in this sense, should be a synthesis of two sources of legitimacy: one based on the participation of the citizens and another resulting from commitments made in the Plan of Government.   

49 What is the underlying logic regarding the place of Participa- tory Budgets in local governments?  

In Europe, as in Latin America, Participatory Budgets can have different kinds of ob jectives (although they are not mutually exclusive). The first is administrative: the Participatory Budget is conceived as a way to improve the efficiency of public administration. The second is social: the Participatory Budget should have a social outcome, like that of helping to "re-order priorities" (Brazil) or "generate social ties" (France). The third is strictly political: the idea of "democratising democracy".48 These last two objectives, the social and political, are predominant in the Latin American experience.  

50 Which is the municipal area or department responsible for the process?  

The institutional "anchoring" of the Participatory Budget within the administrative apparatus varies from city to city and reflects the logic expressed in the previous question.  

Typically, the PB is anchored in one of the following departments:   

. Office of Finance or Department of Planning, with the perspective of improving the efficiency of public administration   

. Department of Participation or Social Action, with the perspective of re-aligning prio50 rities   

. Department of Culture, to generate a new political culture and reinforce the cultural dimension of the Participatory Budget   

. Mayoral Cabinet, in a clearly political perspective  

51 Does the Participatory Budget depend on only one unit of the municipal administration?  

No. In many cities, the Participatory Budget is formally anchored in more than one municipal department, illustrating the multiplicity of objectives of the city (social, political, etc.), as well as the multi-dimensional character of the PB. In Belo Horizonte, for instance, there are three administrative units of the Participatory Budget: one at the level of the Planning Secretary, another with the Housing Secretary (responsible for the Housing PB) and the third with the Municipal Secretary for Urban Policy Co-ordination. In Villa El Salvador, the PB also directly involves various departments: Human Development, Urban Development and the Municipal Development Administrations present in each of the eight districts49. In addition, to make the process more effective, there are also often cross-cutting structures for internal coordination within the municipality (coordination meetings, inter-departmental commissions, inter-sectoral working groups, etc.)  

52 What is the role of the legislative branch in the Participatory   

Budget?  

The legislative branch, through the elected Municipal Council, maintains its traditional role of final approval of the municipal budget. The attitude of the council members varies from opposition to and abstention from the process, to active participation, in particular in the issue-specific (thematic) assemblies of interest (transportation, sanitation, sports, etc.). There are exceptional cases (but positive ones) in which council members or even council presidents form part of the Participatory Budget Councils. In these cases, they usually have the right of voice but not vote.   

In some countries, the Mayor is not elected directly by the people but rather by the Council. In such situations, the Mayor is simultaneously the representative of the executive and legislative branches. This tends to reduce tensions between the two 52 branches during the implementation of the Participatory Budget. It is necessary to establish a healthy dialogue with the members of the legislature (councillors, vereadores, regidores) and invite them to participate in the process. It must be made clear that the PB is not intended to usurp their legislative functions, but rather to improve the democratic process through the involvement of the citizenry.  

53 How does the municipality invite the population to participate in the Participatory Budget?50  

The call to participate in the PB is made through various media and information channels, such as local newspapers, direct mail, circular flyers, explanatory brochures or posters (see Box 18). These do not just explain the objectives and rules of the process but also provide specific information on the dates, times and venues of the next neighbourhood assembly or sectoral plenary.   

Some cities have begun to use the internet and their websites to inform people and as an interactive means of communication. Of course, the more common methods to reach the population, such as newspapers, posters and radio, cannot be forgotten, as low-income people often do not have telephones, much less computers, and in some cases lack electricity.   

In the case of larger cities, and in spite of the difficulties, it is particularly important to communicate through the major newspapers, radio, and television channels. It is recommended that governments use part of their public relations and communications resources to invite the population to participate.  

   

54 What steps can the municipality take to encourage and mobilise the community to participate in the Participatory Budgeting process?  

In general, by designing annual campaigns directed by the department responsible for the Participatory Budget, but which also mobilise other administrative departments and, where possible, the mass media in the city (press, radio, television). Two experiences illustrate this work of persuading and mobilising the citizenry in the PB process (see Box 19 below).  


55How does the Participatory Budget relate to other instruments and mechanisms of citizen participation?51  

They are closely related and feed into each other continuously. The Participatory Budget is one, but by no means the only, mechanism for the construction of Participatory Democracy and dialogue between the local government and the society. While other instruments exist, such as the sectoral councils in Brazil (conselhos), roundtables for consensus-building, Local Agendas 21 and participatory strate gic plans, in each city the situation is different. Various examples from Brazilian and European cities illustrate the complexity and diversity of the tapestry of participation into which the PB is woven.  

56What are the main difficulties that municipal administrations face in implementing a PB?  

A first difficulty is related to the lack of capacity of the administrative apparatus to implement the process. In most cases, the administrations have difficulty adapting to the new demands placed on them: a different type of dialogue with citizens, work outside of normal hours, work in the neighbourhoods, etc.   

A second important problem relates to the systems of information managed by the community and the low quality of information presented to participants. Other difficulties also occur with some frequency, and not only in Brazil.52 These include the accumulation of projects which have been approved but not carried out, insufficient resources to meet the demands, municipal budget deficits, lack of public participation, disputes and tensions among political parties, the clientelistic political system and difficulties with the legislature and the City Council.   

Without the introduction of new models of public management (functioning with programmes and objectives, eva luation and accountability of the different municipal departments, transparency, new budgetary accounting methods, capacity for cross-sectoral action among municipal areas, etc.), the efficiency of the participatory process will be reduced.   

Increase of municipal income and investments through the collection of taxes, sound fiscal policy, elimination of corruption and the optimisation (even reduction) of expenses are important aspects of public management reform, as they allow the Participatory Budget process to have a significant impact on the quality of life of the population, in particular those most in need.  

57 How can the private sector be integrated into the Participatory Budget?  

Up to now, the participation of the formal private sector in Participatory Budgets has been limited. Nevertheless, in several cities the formal private sector or particular businesses have a voice and sometimes a vote in decision-making spaces regarding the budget. In this vein, the industrial, commercial, and service sectors are part of the Congress of the City in Belem, with three of the 50 representatives. The water and sanitation company (SAAE) has a delegate in the Municipal Participatory Budget Forum in Icapui (see Box 15). Santo Andre, located in the industrial heart of the metropolitan region of S.o Paulo, invited representatives from the petrochemical and metallurgical sectors to participate in the long-term strategic planning process, called "City of the Future". Today, these actors, organized through a commission, have a voice and vote in the Participatory Budget Committee of the city.  

   

Box 19:  

Two experiences in mobilising people: Villa El Salvador and Barra Mansa  

   

In Villa El Salvador (Peru), the Citizen Consultation was a municipal referendum over the priorities of the Development Plan which preceded the launching of the PB in 1999. The effort to inform each citizen was enormous: thousands of brochures were printed and distributed house to house, young people were mobilised by various NGOs, videos, radio spots and theatre works were created and broadcast to raise awareness in the population. The positive result matched the effort as over half of the population voted on their priorities.   

In Barra Mansa (pop. 200,000, Brazil), in order to motivate children and youth to participate, the municipality distributed t-shirts, caps, rulers and illustrated booklets. Through these items, the process gained visibility in the schools and in the city. The Municipal Education Secretary organized the teachers to explain the stages of the process and go through the illustrated booklets (primer). Parallel to this, an NGO tied to the municipality with experience in working with young people, ENCOMEN, carried out important initiatives in the neighbourhoods. The children and youth, in turn, informed their families. In the first year, not only did 7,000 children participate, but 400 adults were inspired to help in the process, despite the fact that they had not had experience in community participation.   

Source: Proceedings from the International Seminar "Participatory Budgeting in the Bolivian Context", Working Paper No. 130, UMP-LAC, Quito, 203, 110 pp  

   

   

58 How can the informal or solidarity-based economy sectors be integrated?  

In Latin America, the participation of the informal sector, small producers, micro-businesses, street vendors, productive associations of young people, garbage collectors and recyclers, and urban farmers, is much more expressive than that of the formal sector. These producers of wealth for the city can obtain benefits from the PB to improve their situation. That it can benefit the informal sector, even if only partially, is one of the important virtues of the PB, given that there is much to do in this area.   

The benefits for the informal and solidarity-based economy sectors are of two types: first, the projects selected within the Participatory Budget can benefit them directly (training, capital for a rotating credit scheme, provision of equipment, access to public markets, for example); secondly, the projects approved by the Participatory Budget can be administrated by the communities and executed by the informal sector, generating paid work.  

   

   

Box 20:  

The relationship between PB and other mechanisms of participation in Porto Alegre, Santo Andre and Cordoba.  

   

Porto Alegre, Brazil   

In addition to the Participatory Budget there are significant numbers of participatory democracy mechanisms in the municipality, for instance: the Sectoral Councils (currently numbering 22) whose objective is to define policies and directives in their respective areas; 8 Regional Planning Forums in accordance with the management strategy of the Master Development and Environment Plan; Sectoral Conferences and the Congress of the City which this year meets for the fourth time. (Case Study: Porto Alegre)   

   

Santo Andre, Brazil   

   

The Participatory Budget and the Future City Project are the principal channels. They have become national and international benchmarks, but it is important to point out that these are not the only channels adopted by this administration. In the city there are also 17 Thematic Councils and two Forums, a Theatre of the Oppressed (which addresses citizen participation using the entertaining language of theatre), the Citizen’s Network of Digital Inclusion, the Plant Maintenance Councils, The Participatory Management of aquatic reserve areas, Public Hearings and Complaint Hearings (ombudsman). (Case Study: Santo Andre)   

   

Cordoba, Spain   

   

Citizen participation in the Municipal Government of Cordoba is articulated through the following citizen bodies, according to the Citizen Participation Guidelines of 1986: a) District Councils (14); b) Citizens Movement Council; c) Representatives in Municipal companies, foundations and trusts; and d) other means established by the City as means of representation for sector-specific organizations, such as unions and others.   

The Citizens Movement Council, in a rather unique way, is conceptualised as being the point of coordination and orientation of citizens movements, as well as the focal point of participation within the municipality on issues relating to the whole city. As part of its latter role, it participates in the Support and Follow-up Committee for the Participatory Budget. In all the Boards of the municipal utility companies and in the executive organs of the Municipal foundations and trusts, there is a resident representative designated by the Citizens Movement Council. (Case Study: Cordoba)   

   

Source: Base Document (op cit.) and PB Toolkit.  


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